The regression of Democracy in its “birthplace”

The question “How and why are democratic nations gradually losing their fundamental values?” is at the heart of public debate regarding the growing inability of democratic societies to provide the prosperity and security they promise to their citizens. Greece, as the birthplace of democracy, can serve as a distinctive example in the effort to answer the above question.

Focusing on the causes of the democratic backsliding in Greece, a significant part of the public and academic world emphasized the impact of the recent economic crisis. At the time, decision making in a broad range of sectors was mainly taken away from the hands of the elected government and passed on to the “Troika” representatives. In this context, austerity caused a vast democratic gap leading to the rise of political radicalism and public rage (Antonopoulos & Humbert-Dorfmueller, 2018).

However, although it is plausible to argue that the economic crisis negatively affected Greece’s democratic system, one must delve deeper into the underlying causes of the country’s democratic regression. After all, Greece was not the only member state hit by the crisis. Although Spain, Portugal, and Italy have all suffered from economic restrictions, the performance of their national democracies is by far not as worse as the Greek paradigm. A combination of long-term historical legacies, such as political clientelism, populism, and corruption, stand in the way, acting as threat multipliers for democratic resilience and stability (Sotiropoulos, 2018).

Corruption is a long-standing problem for democracy in Greece, which ranks 59th among 180 countries according to Transparency International (Transparency International, 2024). Scandals, such as the recent one involving EU agricultural subsidies, reoccur systematically, while significant funds for development measures and civil protection are diverted elsewhere (Dejun Z., Vincent K. T. & Noha A., 2024). Except for growing social injustice, money abuse is directly linked to the way Greece is affected by external crises. A characteristic example is the frequent catastrophes caused due to extreme weather events and fueled by the climate crisis, which increase the insecurity and the suffering of Greek people (Bank of Greece, 2011).

In Greece, where unemployment and poverty rates remain still relatively high, susceptibility to external crises means that inequalities are further exacerbated (Hellenic Statistical Authority, 2024). However, as inequalities increase, so does the power and the influence of a privileged minority. These oligarchs tend to form a political elite, becoming a major part of the ruling party and monopolizing power over time. Security and trust that a democratically elected government must provide to its people do not exist under these terms (Rau & Stokes, 2024).

The independence and integrity of the media and the judiciary, meaning the two main bodies that control state power, are also being questioned. Censorship prevails in the vast majority of Greece’s media outlets, which are owned by a few powerful entrepreneurs, many of whom have close ties to the country’s political elite. Journalists suffer intimidation and systemic control, as has been proven by the scandal of the wiretapping of journalists by the National Intelligence Service. As a result, the population’s trust in the media has been one of the lowest in Europe for many years. The inability of successive Greek governments to protect freedom of expression and citizens’ right to reliable information directly undermines the rule of law and the proper functioning of democracy. Obviously, in any country where the government cannot be held accountable to people, any notion of democracy becomes meaningless (Human Rights Watch, 2025).

Unfortunately, it is not only the press that is affected by this crisis of democratic values, but also the justice system itself. The Greek judicial system is characterized by lack of specialization, excessive delays, and a general concern about accountability. Greece ranks last in the EU when it comes to the resolution of civil cases at first instance, while the Council of State is by far the slowest administrative court in the EU. On top of that, according to reports, there has not been triggered even a single prosecution against public officials. As highlighted by the European Court of Human Rights, regarding more than 200 cases of illegal migrant pushbacks, no national investigation has gone beyond the stage of preliminary examination. More specifically, the preliminary investigation into the Pylos shipwreck failed to summon officials to provide explanations, despite evidence in the case file pointing clearly to their responsibility. On the other hand, in the case of the Tempi accident, an unjustifiable delay of almost 2 years in the retrieval of critical pieces of evidence has raised further public concern for a governmental cover-up. All these cases indicate that the Greek system of checks and balances is deeply problematic (Civil Society Report, 2025).

However, an independent judiciary is essential for maintaining public trust in the legal system as well as for civil participation and respect in the democratic process. Public confidence and legitimacy of the elected government are further undermined due to the electoral fragmentation and the decline in the representation offered by the predominant party of “New Democracy.” In a heterogeneous parliament, holding the government accountable may prove even more difficult under a dominant party system, meaning important implications for the quality of Greek democracy (Tsarouchas, 2023).

The Greek case demonstrates that the erosion of democratic ideals is a multifactorial phenomenon that tends to intensify in times of crisis. Inconsistent application of national legislation and the inability of Greek governments to implement policies tailored to the country’s specific economic, social, and geographical characteristics undermine the foundations of the democratic system. Today, in contradiction to what the great political philosophers taught us, “the freedom and power of one person do not end where the freedom of others begin.”